Flores and Timorese peoples who are lighter skinned with more curly hair than the darker and more frizzy haired Melanesians of New Guinea.
These intermarriages between Malay and Melanesian peoples in Eastern Indonesia have also resulted in Melanesian peoples adopting many Polynesian cultural traits, which have been transferred to the South Pacific. Austronesian languages, is one example, and maritime knowledge -- from canoe building(3), astronomy, navigation, to fishery -- is another. In fact, I believe that it was the adoption of many Polynesian skills that enabled the Melanesian peoples to migrate and settle down in far away archipelagos in the Pacific such as Tahiti.
Unfortunately, while the Melanesian peoples are the oldest, indigenous peoples in Nusantara (4), they are also the most culturally, politically, and economically the most oppressed peoples in this archipelago. This brings me to the focus of my presentation, which is the tragedy of Maluku.
FIRST of all, let me focus on cultural oppression. There is a popular belief among the people of Java and Sumatra, that favours a lighter skin colour. Centuries of European domination, as well as the Indian Ramayana and Mahabharata epics from India, which have been indigenized by the Javanese, are probably the origin of this 'pro-light skin' favouritism, as well as its opposite pair, namely disfavour of dark skins.
In addition to this antipathy to darker skin colour, the Javanese also look down on peoples from the Outer Islands who live more closer to nature, such as the Dayak people of Kalimantan. The term 'ndayak ' in the popular Javanese language practically means 'barbarian'. So, combining these two beliefs, one would certainly not expect much appreciation to the highland or Asmat peoples of West Papua among the Javanese people. Popular jokes are also abundant in Java, about the hair body of the Papuan people (as well as of Caucasoids), or subtle or non-subtle references to apes, which are also darker skinned and hairy.
Religious and historical facts also contribute to the low esteem of many Javanese -- intellectuals included -- for the Melanesians of Maluku and West Papua. Many Ambonese (5) from Maluku were recruited into the Dutch colonial forces, and their role in assisting the Dutch to crush the independence movement in Java and Sumatra had resulted in the negative nickname, "Belanda hitam " or "Londo ireng ", which means, "Black Dutchmen" to those colonial soldiers (6). As in many other stereotypes, the Ambonese were not the only Indonesian ethnic group to join the Dutch colonial army, or KNIL (7). However, prejudice of many elder Indonesians, who had been traumatized by the raids of the indigenous KNIL soldiers during the independence war from 1945 to 1949, seems to last long.
This prejudice against the Ambonese is the strongest among Muslim Javanese and Sumatranese against Christian Ambonese, due to the stereotype that they all joined the Dutch colonial army, KNIL. Like all stereotypes, this is only a half-truth, since the first ethno-linguistic group to rebel and raise arms against the Dutch colonial forces were the Ambonese, under the leadership of Thomas Matulessy, also known by his title, Pattimura, and Christina Martha Tiahohu, who were both Christians.
The prejudice of mainstream Indonesians from Java and Sumatra against the Ambonese was reinforced by the fact that the first 'ethnic' rebellion against the newborn Indonesian Republic also occurred in Ambon, with the declaration of the South Moluccans Republic (Republik Maluku Selatan , or RMS) on April 25, 1950, soon after the Dutch recognition of Indonesia's sovereignty in December 1949. This declaration of Central Moluccan independence was mainly triggered by two factors. First, uncertainties about the demobilization of the former Moluccan soldiers of the colonial army (KNIL), and secondly, the fear of South Maluku -- formerly a district within the East Indonesia state of the short-lived federal structure, the United Indonesian Republic (Republik Indonesia Serikat = RIS).
This second factor was predominantly strong among the Christian-dominated Ambonese elite (civil servants, teachers, and church personnel), who rightfully feared that the Ambonese would become a powerless minority within a Java-centred and Muslim-dominated Indonesian state. However, to avoid being seen as an elite group, the RMS initiators sought the support of the village chiefs (raja), and obtained that support from Ibrahim Ohorella, the Raja of Tulehu, a Muslim village which was also the main source of sago on the island of Ambon. In fact, the entire preparations for the declaration took place in Tulehu, to escape from both Indonesian as well as the remaining Dutch security apparatus' eyes (for the history of the RMS, see Chavel, 1990).
The flames of hatred of the 'Christian Ambonese traitors' is currently being fanned by certain Muslim groups, who have popularised a conspiracy theory that the religious riots in Maluku were initiated by the Moluccan Protestant Church (GPM = Gereja Protestan Maluku), in colaboration with RMS militants from the Netherlands (8) and Megawati Sukarnoputri's Christian-Nationalist party, PDI-P (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia - Perjuangan) (9).
LET us now move on from cultural to economic oppression. While upholding the political structure of Indonesia as a unitarian republic, the late President Sukarno was much willing to accomodate the rebellious regions in Indonesia, after those rebellions had been crushed (10). In the case of Maluku, Sukarno decided to locate certain development projects of national -- or even, international -- in the 'thousand islands' province, namely the Wayame shipyard on Ambon, the Oceanography Research Institute at Poka, Ambon, and the huge sugar mill at Makariki, on Seram. Also, during Sukarno's presidency, several top Ambonese Christian intellectuals raised to national prominence. Indonesia's first research nuclear reactor was named after an Ambonese engineer, Siwabessy (11).
After Sukarno had been topled by Suharto in a military coup, which was followed by a purge of between 500,000 to 2,000,000 suspected Communists
These intermarriages between Malay and Melanesian peoples in Eastern Indonesia have also resulted in Melanesian peoples adopting many Polynesian cultural traits, which have been transferred to the South Pacific. Austronesian languages, is one example, and maritime knowledge -- from canoe building(3), astronomy, navigation, to fishery -- is another. In fact, I believe that it was the adoption of many Polynesian skills that enabled the Melanesian peoples to migrate and settle down in far away archipelagos in the Pacific such as Tahiti.
Unfortunately, while the Melanesian peoples are the oldest, indigenous peoples in Nusantara (4), they are also the most culturally, politically, and economically the most oppressed peoples in this archipelago. This brings me to the focus of my presentation, which is the tragedy of Maluku.
FIRST of all, let me focus on cultural oppression. There is a popular belief among the people of Java and Sumatra, that favours a lighter skin colour. Centuries of European domination, as well as the Indian Ramayana and Mahabharata epics from India, which have been indigenized by the Javanese, are probably the origin of this 'pro-light skin' favouritism, as well as its opposite pair, namely disfavour of dark skins.
In addition to this antipathy to darker skin colour, the Javanese also look down on peoples from the Outer Islands who live more closer to nature, such as the Dayak people of Kalimantan. The term 'ndayak ' in the popular Javanese language practically means 'barbarian'. So, combining these two beliefs, one would certainly not expect much appreciation to the highland or Asmat peoples of West Papua among the Javanese people. Popular jokes are also abundant in Java, about the hair body of the Papuan people (as well as of Caucasoids), or subtle or non-subtle references to apes, which are also darker skinned and hairy.
Religious and historical facts also contribute to the low esteem of many Javanese -- intellectuals included -- for the Melanesians of Maluku and West Papua. Many Ambonese (5) from Maluku were recruited into the Dutch colonial forces, and their role in assisting the Dutch to crush the independence movement in Java and Sumatra had resulted in the negative nickname, "Belanda hitam " or "Londo ireng ", which means, "Black Dutchmen" to those colonial soldiers (6). As in many other stereotypes, the Ambonese were not the only Indonesian ethnic group to join the Dutch colonial army, or KNIL (7). However, prejudice of many elder Indonesians, who had been traumatized by the raids of the indigenous KNIL soldiers during the independence war from 1945 to 1949, seems to last long.
This prejudice against the Ambonese is the strongest among Muslim Javanese and Sumatranese against Christian Ambonese, due to the stereotype that they all joined the Dutch colonial army, KNIL. Like all stereotypes, this is only a half-truth, since the first ethno-linguistic group to rebel and raise arms against the Dutch colonial forces were the Ambonese, under the leadership of Thomas Matulessy, also known by his title, Pattimura, and Christina Martha Tiahohu, who were both Christians.
The prejudice of mainstream Indonesians from Java and Sumatra against the Ambonese was reinforced by the fact that the first 'ethnic' rebellion against the newborn Indonesian Republic also occurred in Ambon, with the declaration of the South Moluccans Republic (Republik Maluku Selatan , or RMS) on April 25, 1950, soon after the Dutch recognition of Indonesia's sovereignty in December 1949. This declaration of Central Moluccan independence was mainly triggered by two factors. First, uncertainties about the demobilization of the former Moluccan soldiers of the colonial army (KNIL), and secondly, the fear of South Maluku -- formerly a district within the East Indonesia state of the short-lived federal structure, the United Indonesian Republic (Republik Indonesia Serikat = RIS).
This second factor was predominantly strong among the Christian-dominated Ambonese elite (civil servants, teachers, and church personnel), who rightfully feared that the Ambonese would become a powerless minority within a Java-centred and Muslim-dominated Indonesian state. However, to avoid being seen as an elite group, the RMS initiators sought the support of the village chiefs (raja), and obtained that support from Ibrahim Ohorella, the Raja of Tulehu, a Muslim village which was also the main source of sago on the island of Ambon. In fact, the entire preparations for the declaration took place in Tulehu, to escape from both Indonesian as well as the remaining Dutch security apparatus' eyes (for the history of the RMS, see Chavel, 1990).
The flames of hatred of the 'Christian Ambonese traitors' is currently being fanned by certain Muslim groups, who have popularised a conspiracy theory that the religious riots in Maluku were initiated by the Moluccan Protestant Church (GPM = Gereja Protestan Maluku), in colaboration with RMS militants from the Netherlands (8) and Megawati Sukarnoputri's Christian-Nationalist party, PDI-P (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia - Perjuangan) (9).
LET us now move on from cultural to economic oppression. While upholding the political structure of Indonesia as a unitarian republic, the late President Sukarno was much willing to accomodate the rebellious regions in Indonesia, after those rebellions had been crushed (10). In the case of Maluku, Sukarno decided to locate certain development projects of national -- or even, international -- in the 'thousand islands' province, namely the Wayame shipyard on Ambon, the Oceanography Research Institute at Poka, Ambon, and the huge sugar mill at Makariki, on Seram. Also, during Sukarno's presidency, several top Ambonese Christian intellectuals raised to national prominence. Indonesia's first research nuclear reactor was named after an Ambonese engineer, Siwabessy (11).
After Sukarno had been topled by Suharto in a military coup, which was followed by a purge of between 500,000 to 2,000,000 suspected Communists
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